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Friday, July 29, 2016

Isostasy and Apostasy

What?! Those two words appear to have little to do with each other,  but they were at the heart of some conflict, the conflict between geology and religion in Europe. For outsiders in places like India, this conflict is hard to understand and is not a significant part of the public understanding of science.

I came to read up about isostasy, thrown off on a tangent from a research trajectory that began with something linked to Bangalore. That research ramble included forays into the life of William Lambton, who began experiments on the Great Trigonometrical Survey at Bangalore, the discovery of strange errors in surveying and Himalayan geology. Along the way I also noticed characters of interest from a recent trip to Italy. I realized that we know so little of the evolution of science and the history of tussles between religion and science. This seemed especially to be a gap for those of us living in the non-Christian world where science and fiction meld into each other.

Archdeacon Pratt (1809-1871)


Our story begins with the Earth. Several early scientists reasoned that the Earth must have been a piece of irregular material which was either hot and liquid or made up of bits that broke off from a bigger solid and behaved like a fluid over time to rearrange itself into a nearly spherical form. One early scientist in particular did the mathematics of it and figured out how much it would bulge at the equator on account of its rotation about an axis. Understanding the shape of the earth was an important part of navigation and that also translated to questions of Empire and supremacy. The man we are interested in, who wrote a treatise on the physics and geometry of the earth, was a brilliant mathematician, a Cambridge Wrangler (number 3 for 1833), who decided to take up a job as a clergyman in India just to have the free time and peace of mind to pursue mathematics. He was so good at his work that he was nearly appointed a Bishop. After the orders were passed, they were rescinded in the light of the 1857 revolt and the powers that be instead chose George Cotton to become Bishop Cotton, after whom many schools in India are named. Alumni of that school would probably have been far prouder if their school had instead been named after the Archdeacon of Calcutta, John Henry Pratt.
Pratt was such a brilliant applied mathematician that he was would regularly be sought to solve problems faced by engineers and officials in the government. He would evaluate the strength of metal bridges, arches and trusses. As a member of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, he attempted to put a date on ancient Indian writings on the basis of star positions. Pratt's biggest area of research was however on the shape and structure of the Earth. Early on, Archdeacon Pratt saw mountains as a problem! The problem really was that they shouldn't exist if one assumed the fluidity of the Earth. Assuming the fluid nature of the earth and the time available for the earth to become nearly spherical, the irregularities on the surface should be far smaller. Isostasy deals with the forces that resolve that problem.  Pratt was brought to think about mountains more deeply when Surveyor General Andrew Scott Waugh  (who succeeded George Everest) came to him with data that showed an odd pattern on errors in the estimation of the heights of peaks in the Himalayas. The peaks appeared to be higher when measured from far away and when measured from closer up they seemed to lose some of that height. The source of the problem was already known as the errors were lower when star references were used but the errors became great if theodolites were used in computing angles. Theodolites use plumblines to define the vertical and it was known that plumblines lean towards mountains due to their gravitational attraction. So the angle from downward vertical defined by the plumbline to the top of the peak of a mountain is less that what you would measure if the plumbline actually pointed to the true centre of the earth.

Now Pratt looked at the data more carefully and did some calculations and found that this plumbline attraction was not as great as it ought to have been. His estimate was based on volume and density for the Himalayas. Since it did not match up he decided that the density of the Himalayas that he used must be incorrect. He then suggested the idea that below the mountains, the material was much denser and that the mountains rose like fermenting dough, fluffy and of lower density and resting on a denser base. That is isostasy (and there is a standard model in geology named after him) but Pratt was a clergyman and his other big problem was that anyone looking at geology could not fail to find fault in Christian religious teaching. Pratt was deeply disturbed and he wrote a book called Scripture and Science not at Variance in 1856 and it went through several editions. That religion and science conflicted long before Darwin is often forgotten today. Before Darwin, the central issue was the age of the earth. Calculations were attempted by many and they all differed from scriptural views by several orders of magnitude. Part of the problem in this really was that the ones who made these estimates were not "scientists" in the modern sense of the world - many of them were in fact clergymen! These were the same clergymen who had taken to natural theology / natural history in the tradition of John Ray's advice to contemplate on the Works of Creation on Sundays. The trouble was that all this contemplation led to the growth of geological knowledge which left the clergymen-scientists deeply conflicted. 
Fossils seen on a walk on an Italian mountainside.

When early Europeans saw mollusc fossils on the tops of mountains, they were quick to use it as evidence of Biblical floods. When I saw a few fossil molluscs, in the wild so to speak, on top of a mountain near Lake Como, I was filled with ecstasy. I put myself back in time by a couple of centuries to imagine what I might have made of it. Two centuries ago there were so many ideas floating around - there were competing theories of earth origins. Some saw from the evidence of volcanoes and igneous rocks that the earth may have been hot to start with - the plutonists - while others favoured the idea that igneous rocks were born under water - the neptunists. I suppose neptunism was more in line with scriptural ideas. Before this there were other geological debates including that between Catastrophism vs Uniformitarianism. It is easy to see how evidence and interpretation played such a big role in the development of science. I had read and researched about at least a couple of Italian clergyman-geologists (or naturalists) who had lived in the same district that I visited. Northern Italy produced Antonio Stoppani  (a force behind the natural history museum at Milan) and Ermenegildo Pini - subscribers of the Concordismo, an Italian movement to resolve the conflict between geology and religion. This Italian school tried to settle the matter by suggesting that the scriptures were not to be read so literally. Stoppani encouraged the study of geology by everyone. He wrote a popular book called Il Bel Paese (the beautiful country) that demonstrated how a knowledge of geology enhanced one's appreciation of the country. It was a best-seller and went into numerous editions and was a standard fixture in schools for a long time. A famous cheese manufacturer named his brand of cheese Il Bel Paese and that brand is now far better known!

The Grigne mountains. At the centre of this scene an
arch of land can be seen. This was carved by water during
the Ice Age.
Some Italian cheese inspired by geology!

People who could see geological evidence had the option of keeping their ideas to themselves. Wealthy people were probably more capable of expressing ideas freely as they had less to fear. Darwin had seen the case of the Devil's Chaplain in his youth and lived in fear of upsetting religious powers. It was the support of people like  Charles Lyell that let him publish. I have wondered often if the amateur-scientific establishment in colonial India, distanced from such social tensions lived with less fear. I have not seen an analysis of  such tensions or the lack of it in the  contents of the journals of learned societies in India.

I know however of one ornithologist who was influenced by the development of secular ideas - A.O. Hume. Hume learned a bit of geology under Gideon Mantell, a friend of Charles Lyell. He came from a family with a radical political affiliation and clearly did not subscribe to many ideas of Christianity. He sought spirituality, something free of the politics of religion, in the Theosophical movement founded by Madame Blavatsky. Sadly he found that organization too corrupted for his taste. At one point he sought to have Madame Blavatsky and others removed from the Theosophical Society for trickery and dishonesty! He earned the ire of the other members when he tried to define the aim of the Theosophical movement in a book. A person signing "K.H." (the Koot Humi a pseudonym possibly of Blavatsky herself) wrote: "I dread the appearance in print of our philosophy as expounded by Mr. H. I read his three essays or chapters on God (?)cosmogony and glimpses of the origin of things in general, and had to cross out nearly all. He makes of us ''Agnostics''!! ''We'' do not believe in God because so far, ''we have no not have proof'', etc. This is preposterously ridiculous: if he publishes what I read, I will have H.P.B. or Djual Khool deny the whole thing; as I cannot permit our sacred philosophy to be so disfigured...."

Any readers residing in London may be interested in a talk on Hume and Theosophy on 19 September 2016.

I am hoping to visit Hume's home, Rothney Castle, at Shimla in early August 2016 and my next post will be on that topic.

Further reading

 Note:A bit of amusement for those who know me!
An Italian journalist had a brief conversation and
makes a mention of my tryst with Ermenegildo Pini!
Postscript: 24 July 2018 - visited the Sea Point contact zone at Cape Town, where Darwin pondered over Neptunism v. Plutonism.

Thursday, June 9, 2016

The many shades of citizen science

Everyone is a citizen but not all have the same kind of grounding in the methods of science. Someone with a training in science should find it easy to separate pomp from substance. The phrase "citizen science" is a fairly recent one and one that has been pompously marketed without enough clarity.

In India, the label of a "scientist" is a status symbol, indeed many actually proceed on the academic path just to earn status. In many of the key professions (example: medicine, law) authority is gained mainly by guarded membership, initiation rituals, symbolism and hierarchies. At its roots, science differs in being egalitarian but the profession (with relatively few paid positions) is at odds and its institutions are replete with tribal ritual and power hierarchies. Indian science, thanks to the people in it, probably carries more than the ordinary share of  ritual.

Long before the creation of the profession of science, "Victorian scientists" (who of course never called themselves that) pursued the quest for knowledge (i.e. science) and were for the most part quite good as citizens. In the field of taxonomy, specimens came to be the reliable carriers of information and they became a key to accumulating information in zoology and botany. After all what could you write about or talk about if you did not have a name for the subject under study. Specimens became currency. Victorian scientists collaborated in various ways that involved sharing information, sharing /exchanging specimens, debating ideas, and tapping a network of friends and relatives for gathering more "facts". Learned societies and their journals helped the participants meet and share knowledge across time and geographic boundaries.  Specimens, the key carriers of unquestionable information, were acquired for a price and there was a niche economy created with wealthy collectors, not-so-wealthy field collectors and various agencies bridging them. That economy also included the publishers of monographs, field guides and catalogues who grew in power along with organizations such as  museums and later universities. Along with political changes, there was also a movement of power from private wealthy citizens to state-supported organizations. Power brings disparity and the Victorian brand of science had its share of issues but has there been progress in the ways of doing science?

Looking at the natural world can be completely absorbing. The kinds of sights, sounds, textures, smells and maybe tastes can keep one completely occupied. The need to communicate observations and combine the findings of many makes one seek structures and framework and that is where organized knowledge a.k.a. science comes in. While the pursuit of science might seem to be value neutral and objective, the settings and priorities of organized and professional science are decidedly not. There are political and social aspects to science, the consideration of which in India, is supposedly taboo and not be talked about lest one "appears" un-professional. Many government scientists actually sign declarations that make them less free even than ordinary citizens.

Silent diplomacy adds to the problem. Not engaging in conversation or debate with "outsiders" (a.k.a. mere citizens) probably fuels the growing claims made by citizens about the "arrogance" of scientists (or even science itself). Once the egalitarian ideal of science is tossed out of the window, you can be sure that "citizen science" moves from useful and harmless territory to a region of conflict and potential danger. Many years ago I saw a bit of this  tone in a publication boasting the virtues of Cornell's ebird and commented on it. Ebird was not particularly novel (especially as it was not the first either by idea or implementation, lots of people have tinkered with such ideas, including me with the BirdSpot database that aimed to be federated and peer-to-peer). I think it is extremely easy to set up a basic software system that captures a specific set of data but making it meet grander visions and wider geographical scales takes much more than mere software construction, especially if it is meet more than the needs of a few American scientists. I commented in 2007 that the wording used in ebird publicity sounded more like "scientists using citizens rather than looking upon citizens as scientists", the latter being in my view the nobler aim to achieve. Over time, ebird has gained global coverage, but it has remained "closed" code-wise and vision-wise. There are no open fora for public discussions on the system and the average contributor is not even regarded as a stakeholder. It has, on the other hand, upheld traditional power hierarchies and processes that heighten conflict. Indeed, the software reflects the political and cultural systems of its builders (Conway's Law in software engineering that the architecture of a software mirrors the organization) As someone who has watched and appreciated the growth of systems like Wikipedia it is hard not to see the philosophical differences - almost as stark as right- versus left-wing politics.

Do projects like ebird see the politics in "citizen-science"?
Arnstein's ladder is a nice guide to judge
the philosophy behind a project.
I write this while noting that criticisms of ebird are slowly becoming more commonplace (after the initial glowing accounts). There are comments on how it is reviewed by a self-appointed police  (the problem is not just in the appointment - why indeed are a special class of people needed - the designers could have allowed anyone to question record or suggest alternative identifications - and gather measures of confidence based on community ratings). No longer are species identifications accepted unless users also provide photographic documentation - this biases a certain class of wealthy camera owning participants. And then there is supposedly a class of user who manages something called "filters" (and the problem here is not just with existence of the class of privileged users but with the idea of using  manually-defined "filters", to me this kind of software construction is symptomatic of poor vision and project governance ); and then there are issues in such systems associated with taxonomic changes (I heard someone complain about a user being asked to verify identification - because of a taxonomic split - and that too a split that allows one to unambiguously relabel older records based on geography - these could have been automatically resolved but software developers who are not users themselves will fail to see such problems), and there are now dangers to birds themselves. There are also issues and conflicts associated with licensing and intellectual property. Now it is possibly to fix many of these issues but it all needs open discussion and at least some form of "democratic process" (by which I do not mean voting, but informed debate).

I guess many of us who have seen and discussed ebird privately could have just said I told you so, but sadly many of the problems were easily foreseeable. One merely needs to read the history of ornithology to see how conflicts worked out between the center and the periphery (conflicts between museum workers and collectors); the troubles of peer-review and open-ness; the conflicts between the rich and the poor (not just measured by wealth); or perhaps the haves and the have-nots. And then of course there are scientific issues - the conflicts between species concepts not to mention conservation issues - local versus global thinking. Conflicting aims may not be entirely solved but you cannot have an isolated software development team, a bunch of "scientists" and citizens who are expected merely to enter perfect data and be gone. There is perhaps a lot to learn from other open-source projects and I think the lessons in the culture, politics of Wikipedia are especially interesting for citizen science projects like ebird. I am yet to hear of an organization where the head is forced to resign by the long tail that has traditionally been powerless in decision making and allowing for that is where a brighter future lies. Even better would be where the head and tail cannot be told apart.

Postscript: 

There is an interesting study of fieldguides and their users in Nature - which essentially shows that everyone is equally fallible - just another reason why ebird developers ought to just remove this whole system creating an uber class involved in rating observations/observers.

Additionally one needs to examine how much of ebird data is actually from locals (perhaps definable as living within walking distance of the area being observed). India has a legacy of tourism-based research (not to mention, governance) - in fact there are entire institutions where students travel far afield to study while their own campuses remain scientific blanks on maps.

23 December 2016 - For a refreshingly honest and deep reflection on analyzing a citizen science project see -  Caroline Gottschalk Druschke & Carrie E. Seltzer (2012) Failures of Engagement: Lessons Learned from a Citizen Science Pilot Study, Applied Environmental Education & Communication, 11:178-188.

20 January 2017 - An excellent and very balanced review (unlike my opinions) can be found here -  Kimura, Aya H.; Abby Kinchy (2016) Citizen Science: Probing the Virtues and Contexts of Participatory Research Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 2:331-361. 
 
June 2025 - I wish I had examined a dictionary earlier - A. O. Hume made use of the term "coadjutor" for the collaborators and correspondents who sent him specimens or information on birds from around India. Merriam Webster says this - First used in the 15th century in sense 1 "one who works together with another" - "Middle English coadjutour, from Anglo-French, from Late Latin coadjutor, from Latin co- + adjutor helper, from adjuvare to help". Hume must have chosen the term with considerable thought!

Sunday, June 5, 2016

Ordering chicken

A few weeks ago, I was asked a few questions by a couple of friends relating to why the bird-groups in bird-books are ordered the way they are. The groupings themselves were not so much in question, it was only the sequence. Why do the larger birds come before the smaller birds? It then led to further questions on why the Galliformes (for example chicken or junglefowl) are considered representatives of an older branch of birds (simply sometimes stated as "primitive", and termed "basal" by cladists) compared to say crows. Part of the question was also the understanding that the sequence to a large extent has been around since the first bird-guides for the Indian region. It was hard to make a clean, coherent, non-anachronistic reconstruction particularly since the sequence has to a large extent been followed long before molecular biology took root. In trying to clarify this, at least for myself, I have been forced to look at some historic literature that few read in modern times. [Needless to say my research also led me to improve some Wikipedia biographies.]

Max Fürbringer (1846-1920)
We can skip the pre-Darwinian state largely because the birds were then put in groups whose order was largely decided by tradition and never questioned (at least not within birds which were themselves placed in the scala naturae / "ladder") - and in this we have already seen ideas such as Quinarianism that were followed by Jerdon in India. But why order birds? It appears that everyone wants some order when listing out all the birds of the world and like dictionaries they initially followed some kind of convention that did not need to be questioned. These lists beginning with that of Linnaeus include those of G.R. Gray and R.B.Sharpe. The sequence that Gray and Sharpe followed was based on one established by N.A.Vigors - again a quinarian. Whether the desire to get away from this sequence was related to the unpopularity of quinarianism, I do not know but the sequence followed in  modern bird books has its roots in a system that was established by two ornithologists who are sadly somewhat lesser known perhaps because their writings were in German. (Interestingly Jerdon's contemporary, Edward Blyth, taught himself German and had little tolerance for Jerdon's scheme that followed Swainson). The two Germans who matter for our analysis are Max Fürbringer (1846-1920) and Hans Gadow (1855–1928) [and they had a counterpart in botany Adolf Engler (1844-1930)]. Gadow by virtue of moving to Britain and writing in English is somewhat better known but his work draws greatly on a lot of hard work and thinking on the part of Fürbringer. 

Pierre Belon's comparative anatomy (1555)
After Darwin, the idea of genealogical trees was well adopted and it was also quite clear that evolutionary processes decidedly lacked order and the ragged bush representing the birds of the world had some bushy branches while others were skeletal and many where difficult to place. Now flattening out this bush (or at least the leaves on a 2-dimensional representation of the bush) and reducing it to a linear list can be done in many ways (computer literates will recognize only two - a breadth-first and a depth-first approach!). There were numerous ways in which the tree itself was being re-arranged (phylogenetics) starting with methods that went from the use of intelligent guesswork on the basis of morphological and anatomical characters to methods that reduced guesswork and attempted to reconstruct evolutionary history on the basis of DNA sequences. Ernst Mayr and Walter Bock referred to the "standard sequence" as one based on Gadow-Wetmore-Peters. Mayr and Bock also went to the extent of suggesting that the sequence be maintained independent of matters of phylogeny (then already showing signs of fluidity) so as to make communication easier. Modern bird-guidebook authors and publishers have obviously given that suggestion a pass. Mayr and Greenway in 1956 set three principles for the taxonomic sequence to be followed - (A) To follow as closely as possiblethe traditional arrangements, except where subsequent work has shown conclusively that a change is advisable (B) To place familes near each other whichare presumably closely related (C) To place the more primitive families near the beginning and the more advanced families near the end.

Back to Max Fürbringer who was a student of  Carl Gegenbaur and a great comparative anatomist. Comparative anatomy at this point had evolved from its early origins as an area of amateur investigation in medical studies. It was not just about looking at gross skeletal similarities but looked at minutiae such as the twisting of the tendons of the foot and the bones of the skull. Fürbringer made use of 51 characters, mostly internal anatomy but also some that included whether the state in which the young are born. He had worked earlier on reptiles and their musculature and was an expert on fossils and osteology as well. He gives special importance to the muscules and tendons on the shoulder. It is quite mind boggling to think of the time and effort it would take to dissect and examine the shoulders of so many kinds of birds, leave alone obtaining the specimens needed for it. Given that it has to be done over a significant length of time, it involves meticulous note making and sketching. Fürbringer identified the key characters for each of the bird groups and then he compared every pair of bird groups noting the number of common characteristics and the number of differing characters. He used this pair of numbers (matches and mismatches) to decide a measure of distance between the groups (what we would now call as phenetics - but all this was done before Hennig and the formal birth of cladistics). Gadow would, four years later in 1892, comment that Fürbringer was being a bit too precise (read "German"!) in doing this pair-wise distance computation and that this was unneeded overkill. Gadow also made some alterations, he emphasised that not all characters were equal and that the equal weightage for characters was inappropriate. So he decided based on his expertise that some of the relationships that Fürbringer saw were spurious. It is worth reading his original text:

The anatomical portion has been written with the view of abstracting there from a classification. In the meantime (after Huxley, Garrod, Forbes, Sclater, and Reichenow's systems) have appeared several other classifications: one each by Prof. Newton, Dr. Elliott Coues, Dr. Stejneger, Prof. Fuerbringer, Dr. R. B. Sharpe, and two or three by Mr. Seebohm. Some of these systems or classifications give no reasoning, and seem to be based upon either experience.in ornithological matters or upon inclination—in other words, upon personal convictions. Fuerbringer5s volumes of ponderous size have ushered in a new epoch of scientific ornithology. No praise can be high enough for this work, and no blame can be greater than that it is too long and far too cautiously expressed. For instance, the introduction of " intermediate " groups (be they suborders or gentes) cannot be accepted in a system which, if it is to be a working one, must appear in a fixed form.     In several important points I do not agree with my friend ; moreover, I was naturally anxious to see what my own resources would enable me to find out. This is my apology for the new classification which I propose in the following pages.

The author of a new classification ought to state the reasons which have led him to the separation and grouping together of the birds known to him. This means not simply to enumerate the characters which he has employed, but also to say why and how he has used them. Of course there are characters and characters. Some are probably of little value, and others are equivalent to half a dozen of them. Some are sure to break down unexpectedly somewhere, others run through many families and even orders;  but the former characters are not necessarily bad and the latter are not necessarily good. The objection has frequently been made that we have no criterion to determine the value of characters in any given group, and that therefore any classification based upon any number of characters however large (but always arbitrary, since composed of non-equivalent units) must necessarily be artificial and therefore be probably a failure. This is quite true if we take all these characters, treat them as all alike, and by a simple process of plus or minus, i. e. present or absent, large or small, 1, 2, 3, 4, &c, produce a "Key," but certainly not a natural classification.

To avoid this evil, we have to sift or weigh  the same characters every time anew and in different ways, whenever we inquire into the degree of affinity between two or more species, genera, families, or larger groups of creatures.

Of my 40 characters about half occur also in Fuerbringer's table, which contains 51 characters. A number of skeletal characters I have adopted from Mr. Lydekker's 'Catalogue of Fossil Birds' after having convinced myself, from a study of that excellent book, of their taxonomic value. Certain others referring to the formation of the rhamphotheca, the structure and distribution of the down in the young and in the adult, the syringeal muscles, the intestinal convolutions, and the nares, have not hitherto been employed in the Class of Birds.
......
Of course this merely mathematical principle is scientifically faulty, because the characters are decidedly not all equivalent. It may happen that a great numerical agreement between two families rests upon unimportant characters only, and a small number of coincidences may be due to fundamentally valuable structures, and in either case the  true affinities would  be obscured.


Of the 26 positive points not less than 19 are common to Falconidae, Psittaci, and Coccyges. In the remaining 7 points Psittaci and Falconidae agree together against Coccyges, namely nestlings, downs of young and adult, fifth cubital, temporal fossa, fleshy tongue, convolutions of intestines. Most of these characters seem important, especially the woolly nestlings, considering that Psittaci breed in holes, and agree in the convolutions in spite of the totally different food.
On the other hand, the sifting of the 14 negative characters shows On the other hand, the sifting of the 14 negative characters shows that in 13 of them the Parrots agree with Cuculidae or with Musophagidae, or with both, and differ along with the Coccyges from the Falconidae. The syrinx is an absolute specialization. Fuerbringer remarks that powder-downs, ceroma, and beak speak for Falconidae against Coccyges. Again, Psittaci and Falconidae differ greatly in the formation of the furcula, in nearly the whole of the muscular system, and in the bones of the wings and legs.
Conclusion.—The Psittaci are much more nearly allied to the Coccyges than to the Falconidae, and of the Coccyges the Musophagidae are nearer than the  Cuculidae because of the vegetable food, ventral pterylosis, presence of aftershaft, tufted oil-gland, absence of vomer, truncated mandible and absence of caeca.

Gadow's weighing and sifting probably went wrong there as a 2011 study re-established the closeness between the parrots and falcons. (Fürbringer had carefully compared them but he too had them branching apart widely).
Suh A, Paus M, Kiefmann M, et al. Mesozoic retroposons reveal parrots as the closest living relatives of passerine birds. Nature Communications. 2011;2:443-. doi:10.1038/ncomms1448.
It is somewhat sad that Fürbringer is still hardly known in ornithological circles. Mayr and Bock call the bird-sequence used for so many years as the Gadow-Wetmore-Peter's sequence. (this despite Mayr being a historian of biology!) I saw with delight however that Tim Birkhead in his Ten Thousand Birds (2014) puts 1888 on the ornithological timeline to mark this landmark work.

Fürbringer's work is also remarkable because he finally produced a graphical summary of his entire work. An evolutionary tree and wait, it was a three-dimensional tree! He tried to represent it with side views from two opposite points and horizontal cross-sections at three levels. The cross-sections indicate phenetic distances between the groups. He seems to have hit upon some kind of manual equivalent of what we might produce today using canonical correspondence analysis. (It would be amazing if someone-who-knows-German could recreate his three-dimensional rendition and compare his own distance matrix which what a CCA algorithm would produce - Heidelberg University would do well to make a three-dimensional tree model as a tribute)

 

Front views of the avian tree.
Rear view of tree




Okay, so we now hopefully have a historical view of how the bird relationships were established. We still have a part of the original question hanging, why are chicken considered "primitive" or "basal" to use the more accurate phylogenetic term. The answer again lies in Fürbringer's scientific past- he had worked extensively on reptilian anatomy and he saw more of the older traits in parts of his bird-tree. Remember also that he tried to place extinct birds into the tree. Today, the way a tree is rooted or oriented is by comparing with an outgroup - a specimen that you know from prior knowledge to be distant enough to have a common shared ancestor with all the others that are in focus.

The specific characters that Gadow listed for the Galliformes (in which he also included the hoatzin) while he placed them as the 14th group (after the ratites, herons, seabirds and falcons but before the cranes) are :
  • Galliformes- Phytophagous. Nares impervious. Furcula with hypocleidium. Plagiocoelous type V. Caeca large. Crop globular. 10 primaries. 
    • Galli -  16 or more cervical vertebrae. Holorhinal. Coracoids touching each other. Flexors of type I. Hallux large. Neck without lateral apteria.
      • Gallidae -16 cervical vertebrae. Nidifugous. Spina communis sterni. Sternum with long posterior later processs and with obliue processes. Hypotarsus complex.
      • Opisthocomidae - 18 or 19 cervical vertebrae. Nidicolous. Spina externa only present. Sternum with small notches or fenestra only; no oblique process. Oil-gland tufted.
The Hoatzin has since been moved elsewhere but interestingly the claws on the hand used for clambering up vegetation are not even used.

That leaves one other question which is on whether the sizes matters in this sequence. It appears that the Galloanserae which appear early in the sequence are in general somewhat large sized, the ratites and flightless birds also tend to be large. At the other end of the spectrum the passerines tend to be small but it appears that there is no strong evolutionary trend in size.

Note: Thanks to Emmanuel Theophilus and Ashish Kothari for the original questions and discussions.
Postscript: Note that there were many other comparative anatomists in the period and many pieces of bird and reptile evolution had been figured out by several others including Archibald Garrod (1873-74 on muscles part 1 part 2 and W.H. Flower.
I have also found this very nice interactive site on comparative anatomy of birds that uses chicken as a model. 
Note that I had mistakenly attributed the parrot-falcon affinity to Fürbringer, turns out that he did not think much about it.
9 June 2016 - I have also found an interesting review by R.W. Shufeldt (that infamous racist!) which also summarizes the work of Professor William Kitchen Parker. Parker (1862) is quoted "I will first show, in two parallel columns, how both the Fowls and the Rails run insensibly through certain leading genera into the lowest (reptilian) types of diving-birds" 1862, William Kitchen Parker "On the Osteology of Gallinaceous Birds and Tinamous" in Shufeldt, R.W. (1904) An Arrangement of the Families and the Higher Groups of Birds. The American Naturalist 38(455/456):833-857.
Appendix - a list of the characters used by Gadow.

A.   Development.
Condition of young when hatched: whether uidifugous ur nidi-colous; whether naked or downy, or whether passing through a downy stage.
B.  Integument.
Structure and distribution of the first downs, and where distributed.
Structure and distribution of the downs in the adult: whether absent, or present on pteryls or on apteria or on both.
Lateral cervical pterylosis : whether solid or with apteria.
Dorso-spinal pterylosis : whether solid or with apterium, and whether forked or not.
Ventral pterylosis: extent of the median apterium.
Aftershaft:  whether present, rudimentary, or absent.
Number of primary remiges.
Cubital or secondary remiges: whether quinto-or aquinto-cubital.
Oil-gland: present or absent, nude or tufted.
Rhamphotheca: whether simple or compound, i. e. consisting of more than two pieces on the upper bill.
C. Skeleton.
Palate: Schizo-desmognathous.   Nares, whether pervious or impervious, i. e. with or without a complete solid naso-ethmoidal septum.
Basipterygoid processes: whether preseut, rudimentary, or absent: and their position.
Temporal fossa, whether deep or shallow.
Mandible: os angulare, whether truncated or produced ; long and straight or recurved.
Number of cervical vertebra;.
Haemapophyses of cervical and of thoracic vertebra;: occurrence and shape.
Spina externa and spina interna sterui: occurrence, size, and shape.
Posterior margin of the sternum, shape of.
Position of the basal ends  of the  coracoids: whether separate, touching, or overlapping.
Procuracoid process: its size and the mode of its combination with acrocoraeoid.
Furcula: shape; presence or absence of hypocleidium and of interclavicular process.
Groove on the humerus for the humero-coracoidal ligament: its occurrence and depth.
Humerus, with or without ectepicondj lar process.
Tibia: with bony or only with ligamentous bridge, near its distal tibio-tarsal end, for the long extensor tendons of the toes : occurrence and position of an intercondylar tubercle, in vicinity of the bridge.
Hypotarsus : formation with reference to the tendons of the long toe-muscles:—(1) simple, if having only one broad groove; (2) complex, if grooved and perforated ; (3) deeply grooved and to what extent, although not perforated.
Toes :   number and position, and connexions
D.  Muscles.
Garrod's symbols of thigh-muscles A B X Y,—used, however, in the negative sense.
Formation of the tendons of the m. flexor perforans digitorum : the number of modifications of which is 8 (I.-VIII.) according to the numbering in Bronn's Vogel, p. 195, and Fuerbringer, p. 1587.
E.   Syrinx.
Tracheal, broncho-tracheal, or bronchial.
Number and mode of insertion of syringeal muscles.
F.   Carotids.
If both right and left present, typical: or whether only left present, and the range of the modifications.
G.   Digestive Organs
Convolutions of the intestinal canal. Eight types, numbered L-VIIL, according to Bronn's Vogel, p. 708, and P. Z.S. 1889, pp. 303-
Caeca: whether functional or not.
Tongue: its shape.
Food.—Two principal divisions, i. e. Phytophagous or Zoophagous, with occasional subdivisions such as Herbivorous, Frugivorous, Piscivorous, Insectivorous, etc.

List of Characters employed occasionally.
Shape of bill.
Pattern of colour. Number of rectrices ; and mode of overlapping of wing-coverts, according to Goodchild (P.Z.S. 1886, pp. 184-203).
Vomer.    Pneumatic foramen of humerus.
Supraorbital glands.
Crop.
Penis.
Certain wing-muscles according to Fuerbringer.
Mode of life: Aquatic, Terrestrial, Aerial, Diurnal, Nocturnal, Rapacious, etc.
Mode of nesting: breeding in holes.
Structure of eggs.
Geographical distribution.

Postscript: I have subsequently come to learn of Stigler's Law of Eponymy.



Wednesday, March 2, 2016

Some unsung Lepcha collectors


Photo from Bruce, C.G. (1923) The Assault on Mount Everest 1922. New York: Longmans, Green & Co.
 
A chance enquiry from Richard Conniff on some Lepcha collectors for his website for fallen naturalists led me to some very interesting tit-bits and as usual, I was surprised by the paucity of local interest and research. Not having had the good fortune of exploring the richness of north-eastern India (except for a short trip in Bhutan) it was hard to feel grounded with sufficient local context but reading through some of the available bits makes it clear that that so much local knowledge has been squandered in recent times. Hopefully someone based in Sikkim or nearby can make amends with a more detailed study.

The Gazetteer of Sikhim (1894) has an excellent introduction to ethnic and biological diversity. It includes a list of birds along with Lepcha names. It also has bits of local bio-lore such as notes on birds of good and ill omen. The sections on butterflies was written by J. Gammie and Lionel de Niceville while the one on birds was by L.A.Waddell. Wadell writes while dealing with the birds:
The Pahariyas, speaking a Sanskritic dialect- the Parbatiya, and the Bhotiyas, including the Tibetans are much less discriminating in their bird-names than the Lepchas, who are "born naturalists";  - [1894. The Gazetteer of Sikhim. p. 202.]
 Altogether the Lepcha is a very different sort of companion in the jungle from the Indian who knows and cares nothing about flowers, nor animals - except those that he eats or that eat him. - Laurence Waddell (1900) Among the Himalayas. p. 79.
The butterfly section in the Gazetteer by Niceville makes a tantalizing statement but sadly, he does not actually list the Lepcha names for butterflies (unlike Waddell who does include names for birds):
It might be noted that the Lepcha collectors of Sikhim are most skilful, and would compare favourably with those of any country in the world: they are the only race in Hindostan who have names for the different species of butterflies. - [1894. The Gazetteer of Sikhim. p. 115.]
Mycalesis (Pachama) mestra, Hewitson. Has frequently been brought into Darjeeling from the neighbourhood of Buxa in Bhutan by the Lepcha collectors employed by Messrs. Otto and F.A. Moller, A.V.Knygett and G.C.Dudgeon. -[1894. The Gazetteer of Sikhim. p. 121.]
H.J. Elwes was another user of Lepcha guides. It would appear that he first got to know of them via James Alexander Gammie who ran the cinchona plantations in Darjeeling. Elwes' obituary includes a note from Gammie: "The Lepchas are born naturalists, who know by distinctive names nearly all plant, beasts, and birds, and the more conspicuous insects. Elwes, by his personal magnetism and knowledge of Hindustani, in which he talked with them, gained their confidence to a remarkable degree, and they always remembered him as the 'great captain sahib.'" It turns out that Lepcha butterfly collectors went far from their traditional grounds.  
In 1893 and 1894 Mr de Niceville induced three amateur collectors in British India to send down to Sumatra some of the well-known Lepcha collectors from Darjiling to Dr Martin's care. These men met with very good success, though at first they were afraid to mix with the cannibal Battaks, and refused to go to the mountains. However, after giving them a Battak guide and interpreter, they went off to the hills regularly, and did very well there. - [Anon. (1896) Reviews and notices of book. The Butterflies of Sumatra. The Entomologist's Record and Journal of Variation 8(1):22-24.]
A Lepcha butterfly catcher
From "A Lady Pioneer" [Nina Elizabeth Mazuchelli] (1876) The Indian Alps and how we crossed them. p. 146
And some of them perished in their travels (the original enquiry) and the only person to have taken some trouble to document the Lepcha collectors has been C.F.Cowan. In his 1967 note in the Journal of the Bombay Natural History Society he finds some information on the collectors of William Doherty, the famous butterfly collector. When Doherty fell ill in Africa, his Lepcha assistants carried him to the hospital in Nairobi. Doherty wrote to Elwes: "I had to go to Darjeeling for my Lepchas and got two fairly good men: I have also two other men... and hope to keep them permanently." He had his Lepchas climb hills, "Each of my men used to take a peak and stay there all day". One collector, Pambu, made treetop platforms and stayed on them all day. Doherty took some of his collectors to Java and in his letters to Ernst Hartert mentions Chedi and Tungkyitbo (who died at sea). It seems that some of the collectors stayed on in the Malay peninsula and worked for other collectors like Oberthur. These include Lakatt and Pamboo. Lakatt returned to Calcutta in 1895. Pambu unfortunately did not make it and was "murdered by savages" on Japen Island, Geelving Bay, West Irian in 1898. Cowan notes: 
So passed Pambu, working some 5000 miles from home. We can picture him a dedicated and enterprising naturalist, a faithful and cheerful companion and a staunch and steady friend. 
Lakatt's name has been commemorated in butterfly nomenclature by the Lycaenid Jamides zebra lakatti Corbet, 1940 (Proc. R. ent. Soc. London (B) 9:2). It is hoped shortly to give Pambu similar recognition.

Lepcha bird trappers find a mention in Mackintosh's  Birds of Darjeeling (1915) - with a comment on Lepchas imitating the call of Glaucidium brodiei to lure small passerines.
 
Waddell's taxidermists (1900)

Lepcha collectors were in demand among the botanists as well. They not only found the plants but processed them into herbarium sheets (Lepcha boxes of butterfly specimens are also mentioned).
Mr Cave of the Loyd Botanic Gardent at Darjiling, who provided an admirable Lepcha collector always active and good-tempered, and helped me to find my way among so many genera that were strange.  [Lacaita, C.C. (1916) Plants collected in Sikkim, including the Kalimpong District, April 8th to May 9th, 1913. Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society 43:457-492.]
Portrait of Dr Hooker with his Lepcha collectors -
original painting by Frank Stone mezzotint by William Walker



Hooker, in his introduction to the work of J.F.Cathcart, an amateur botanist notes:
He had already established a corps of Lepcha collectors, who scoured the neighbouring forests, descending to 2000 feet, and ascending to 8000 bringing every plant that was to be found in flower; and in his house were two artists busily at work. He told me his plans, and invited my co-operation ; he intended to procure more artists, the best that could be obtained, from Calcutta, especially those skilled ones, who had been trained under Wallich and Griffith in the Botanic Garden, and to draw every plant of interest that he or I could procure. Knowing that a Flora of the Himalaya was a work which I contemplated, he most liberally offered me the use of all the drawings on my return to England, and expressed a wish that I should direct his artists to the plants best worth figuring, and instruct them in perspective, and in drawing the microscopic details, the points in which native artists are mainly deficient. -[J. D. Hooker in his introduction to J.F. Cathcart's - Illustrations of Himalayan Plants (1855) ]
Hooker's collectors maintained careful accounts written in the Lepcha script of which there is an interesting description from the Kew archives. [Sprigg, R.K. (1983) Hooker's Expenses in Sikkim: An Early Lepcha Text. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 46(2):305-325.]

George King of the Calcutta botanical garden also used Lepcha collectors and we find mention of the names of Dungboo  and Dotho.

The tradition seems to have continued at least till the late 1920s for we find mention of Rohmoo pictured at the head of this article. Rohmoo worked along with another collector Ribu for several botanists in the Botanical Survey of India and the Lloyd Botanical Garden at Darjeeling. He collected for several botanical expeditions in Sikkim including those of William Wright Smith, George H. Cave and Roland Edgar Cooper. Poa rohmooana was named after him by Henry Noltie in his Flora of Bhutan.
A statement by H.H.Risley (the physical anthropologist) in the introduction to the Gazetteer is particularly striking:
The Lepchas alone seem to doubt whether life is worth living under the shadow of advancing civilisation, and there can, we fear, be little question that this interesting and attractive race will soon go the way of the forest which they believe to be their original home. 

A similar pessimistic outlook is expressed by Florence Donaldson in her book Lepcha land, or Six weeks in the Sikhim Himalayas (1900).
Current events... are likely to open the flood-gates of Western civilization. But when this comes to pass, "Lepcha Land" will be a misnomer, and another primitive, patriarchal and peace-loving people will have died out.
Waddell in 1900 writes that:
On the way, I passed through several flourishing settlements of the Lepchas. The families averaged four to five children, and several numbered seven or eight; so that the current statement that this race is dying out through sheer inanition is scarcely correct. The real reason for their disappearance in British Sikhim, is the disappearance of "conservation" of their forests, which by cutting off in great measure their sources of food, forces them into the unreserved tracts of Bhotan and Nepal.

PS: It turns out that some researchers have tried some very interesting experiments, using Lepchas to monitor bird species.

Sample's from Mainwaring and Grunwedel's Lepcha dictionary (1898)

Further reading

Postscript

There is a Celastrina pambui Eliot, 1973 which may be after Pambu... but that is after the date given by Cowan.

Tuesday, February 16, 2016

Moving Plants

All humans move plants, most often by accident and sometimes with intent. Humans, unfortunately, are only rarely moved by the sight of exotic plants. 

Unfortunately, the history of plant movements is often difficult to establish. In the past, the only way to tell a plant's homeland was to look for the number of related species in a region to provide clues on their area of origin. This idea was firmly established by Nikolai Vavilov before he was sent off to Siberia, thanks to Stalin's crank-scientist Lysenko, to meet an early death. Today, genetic relatedness of plants can be examined by comparing the similarity of DNA sequences (although this is apparently harder than with animals due to issues with polyploidy). Some recent studies on individual plants and their relatedness have provided insights into human history. A study on baobabs in India and their geographical origins in East Africa established by a study in 2015 and that of coconuts in 2011 are hopefully just the beginnings. These demonstrate ancient human movements which have never received much attention from most standard historical accounts.
Inferred trasfer routes for Baobabs -  source

Unfortunately there are a lot of older crank ideas that can be difficult for untrained readers to separate. I recently stumbled on a book by Grafton Elliot Smith, a Fullerian professor who succeeded J.B.S.Haldane but descended into crankdom. The book "Elephants and Ethnologists" (1924) can be found online and it is just one among several similar works by Smith. It appears that Smith used a skewed and misapplied cultural cousin of Dollo's Law. According to him, cultural innovation tended to occur only once and that they were then carried on with human migrations. Smith was subsequently labelled a "hyperdiffusionist", a disparaging term used by ethnologists. When he saw illustrations of Mayan sculpture he envisioned an elephant where others saw at best a stylized tapir. Not only were they elephants, they were Asian elephants, complete with mahouts and Indian-style goads and he saw this as definite evidence for an ancient connection between India and the Americas! An idea that would please some modern-day Indian cranks and zealots.

Smith's idea of the elephant as emphasised by him.
The actual Stela in question
 "Fanciful" is the current consensus view on most of Smith's ideas, but let's get back to plants. 

I happened to visit Chikmagalur recently and revisited the beautiful temples of Belur on the way. The "Archaeological Survey of India-approved" guide at the temple did not flinch when he described an object in the hand of a carved figure as being maize. He said maize was a symbol of prosperity. Now maize is a crop that was imported to India and by most accounts only after the Portuguese reached the Americas in 1492 and made sea incursions into India in 1498. In the late 1990s, a Swedish researcher identified similar  carvings (actually another one at Somnathpur) from 12th century temples in Karnataka as being maize cobs. It was subsequently debunked by several Indian researchers from IARI and from the University of Agricultural Sciences where I was then studying. An alternate view is that the object is a mukthaphala, an imaginary fruit made up of pearls.
 
 
Somnathpur carvings. The figures to the
left and right hold the puported cobs in their left hands.
(Photo: G41rn8)

 
The pre-Columbian oceanic trade ideas however do not end with these two cases from India. The third story (and historically the first, from 1879) is that of the sitaphal or custard apple. The founder of the Archaeological Survey of India, Alexander Cunningham, described a fruit in one of the carvings from Bharhut, a fruit that he identified as custard-apple. The custard-apple and its relatives are all from the New World. The Bharhut Stupa is dated to 200 BC and the custard-apple, as quickly pointed out by others, could only have been in India post-1492. The Hobson-Jobson has a long entry on the custard apple that covers the situation well. In 2009, a study again raised the possibility of custard apples in ancient India. The ancient carbonized evidence is hard to evaluate unless one has examined all the possible plant seeds and what remains of their microstructure. The researchers however establish a date of about 2000 B.C. for the carbonized remains and attempt to demonstrate that it looks like the seeds of sitaphal. The jury is still out.

Hobson-Jobson has an interesting entry on the custard-apple
 
I was quite surprised that there are not many writings that synthesize and comment on the history of these ideas on the Internet and somewhat oddly I found no mention of these three cases in the relevant Wikipedia article (naturally, fixed now with an entire new section) - pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact theories

There seems to be value for someone to put together a collation of plant introductions to India along with sources, dates and locations of introduction. Some of the old specimens of introduced plants may well be worthy of further study.

Introduction dates
  • Pithecollobium dulce - Portuguese introduction from Mexico to Philippines and India on the way in the 15th or 16th century. The species was described from specimens taken from the Coromandel region (ie type locality outside native range) by William Roxburgh.
  • Eucalyptus globulus? - There are some claims that Tipu planted the first of these (See my post on this topic).  It appears that the first person to move eucalyptus plants (probably E. globulosum) out of Australia was  Jacques Labillardière. Labillardiere was surprized by the size of the trees in Tasmania. The lowest branches were 60 m above the ground and the trunks were 9 m in diameter (27 m circumference). He saw flowers through a telescope and had some flowering branches shot down with guns! (original source in French) His ship was seized by the British in Java and that was around 1795 or so and released in 1796. All subsequent movements seem to have been post 1800 (ie after Tipu's death). If Tipu Sultan did indeed plant the Eucalyptus here he must have got it via the French through the Labillardière shipment.  The Nilgiris were apparently planted up starting with the work of Captain Frederick Cotton (Madras Engineers) at Gayton Park(?)/Woodcote Estate in 1843.
  • Muntingia calabura - when? - I suspect that Tickell's flowerpecker populations boomed after this, possibly with a decline in the Thick-billed flowerpecker.
  • Delonix regia - when?
  • In 1857, Mr New from Kew was made Superintendent of Lalbagh and he introduced in the following years several Australian plants from Kew including Araucaria, Eucalyptus, Grevillea, Dalbergia and Casuarina. Mulberry plant varieties were introduced in 1862 by Signor de Vicchy. The Hebbal Butts plantation was establised around 1886 by Cameron along with Mr Rickets, Conservator of Forests, who became Superintendent of Lalbagh after New's death - rain trees, ceara rubber (Manihot glaziovii), and shingle trees(?). Apparently Rickets was also involved in introducing a variety of potato (kidney variety) which got named as "Ricket". -from Krumbiegel's introduction to "Report on the progress of Agriculture in Mysore" (1939) [Hebbal Butts would be the current day Airforce Headquarters) 

The following have been listed as pre-1861 introductions in Lal Bagh (from the centenary souvenir, 1957):

Grevillea robusta (1857, presented. by Y. Rohde.)
Araucaria excelsa (1857)
Amherstia nobilis (1859)
Anona muricata
Averrhoa Bilimbi
Poinciana regia
Cassia florida
Carica papaya
Parkinsonia aculeata
Eriobotrya japonica
Casuarina equisetifolia
Castanospermum australe
Araucaria Bidwilli
A. cookii
A. cunninghamii
Cupressus species,
Damara robusta,
Bixa Orellana,
Hibiscus rosasinensis,
Gossypium  barbadense,
Coffea arabica,
Vanilla aromatica,
Pisum sativum,
Arachis hypogaea,
Medicago sativa,
Daucus carota
Brassica oleracea
Lactuca sativa
Solanum tuberosum
Beta vulgaris
Myrtus communis
Corypha umbraculifera
C. australis
Ammomum angustifolium
Macadamia sp.
Podocarpus longifolia
Pinus longiolia,
P. sylvestris,
P. pseudo-strophilus
Allamanda cathartica
Achras sapota
Persea gratissima
Java fig
Swietenia mahogani (mahogany was first introduced into Bengal in 1795 from the West Indies)
litchi
guava
pineapple
tobacco
 
Introduced between 1861 and 1874 
 
Averrhoa carambola
Swietenia mahogani
Parkia biglandulosa
Joannesia princeps (Anda gomesii )
Kigelia pinnata
Crescentia alata
Filicium decipiens
Caesalpinia pulcherrima
Ceratonia siliqua
Magnolia grandiflora
Theobroma cacao
Lantana odorata
Fragaria vesica
Prunus persica
Prunus communis
Pyrus malus
Pyrus communty
Eugenia jambos

After 1874 (by John Cameron)

Boehmeria nivea Hooker (1874)
Coffea liberica
Helianthus annuas Linn, (1875)
Adansonia digitata Linn., from Calcutta
Bursaria spinosa Cav. Tristania conferta R.Br., both from. Adelaide
Clausena Wampi Blanco from Ceylon (1876)
Couroupite guranensis
Enchylaena luxurius,
Bambusa vulgaris from Calcutta (1877)
Prosopis juliflora
Pithecolobium saman from Ceylon
Trapa bispinosa from north India (1878)
Mahinot Glaziovii from the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta (1879)
Colvillea racemosa (1880)
Erithryxylum coca
Barringtonia speciosa trom Ceylon (1881)
Cyphonandra  betacea
Cola acuminata (1884)
Artocarpus incisa (1886)
Castanea vulgaris
Hevea Spruccana
Carissa edulis from Kew
Sechium edule from Ceylon1
Monstera deliciosa from Kew
Myroxylon penniferum from Kew
Glycine hispida
Landolphia watsoni from Kew (1887)
Albizzia moluccana from the Moluccas (1892)
Paspalum notatum from Calcutta (1900)

Further reading
  • Johannessen, Carl L.; Parker, Anne Z. (1989). "Maize ears sculptured in 12th and 13th century A.D. India as indicators of pre-columbian diffusion". Economic Botany 43 (2): 164–180.
  • Payak, M.M.; Sachan, J.K.S (1993). "Maize ears not sculpted in 13th century Somnathpur temple in India". Economic Botany 47 (2): 202–205. 
  • Pokharia, Anil Kumar; Sekar, B.; Pal, Jagannath; Srivastava, Alka (2009). "Possible evidence of pre-Columbian transoceanic voyages based on conventional LSC and AMS 14C dating of associated charcoal and a carbonized seed of custard apple (Annona squamosa L.)" Radiocarbon 51 (3): 923–930. - Also see
  • Veena, T.; Sigamani, N. (1991). "Do objects in friezes of Somnathpur temple (1286 AD) in South India represent maize ears?". Current Science 61 (6): 395–397.
  • Rangan, H., & Bell, K. L. (2015). Elusive Traces: Baobabs and the African Diaspora in South Asia. Environment and History, 21(1):103–133. doi:10.3197/096734015x1418317996982 [The authors however make a mistake in using Achaya, K.T. Indian Food (1994) who in turn cites Vishnu-Mittre's faulty paper for the early evidence of Eleusine coracana in India. Vishnu-Mittre himself admitted his error in a paper that re-examined his specimens - see below]
Dubious research sources
  • Singh, Anurudh K. (2016). "Exotic ancient plant introductions: Part of Indian 'Ayurveda' medicinal system". Plant Genetic Resources. 14(4):356–369. 10.1017/S1479262116000368. [Among the claims here are that Bixa orellana was introduced prior to 1000 AD - on the basis of Sanskrit names which are assigned to that species - does not indicate basis or original dated sources. The author works in the "International Society for Noni Science"! ] 
  • The same author has rehashed this content with several references and published it in no less than the Proceedings of the INSA - Singh, Anurudh Kumar (2017) Ancient Alien Crop Introductions Integral to Indian Agriculture: An Overview. Proceedings of the Indian National Science Academy 83(3). There is a series of cherry-picked references, many of the claims of which were subsequently dismissed by others or remain under serious question. In one case there is a claim for early occurrence of Eleusine coracana in India - to around 1000 BC. The reference cited is in fact a secondary one - the original work was by Vishnu-Mittre and the sample was rechecked by another bunch of scientist and they clearly showed that it was not even a monocot - in fact Vishnu-Mittre himself accepted the error - the original paper was Vishnu-Mittre (1968). "Protohistoric records of agriculture in India". Trans. Bose Res. Inst. Calcutta. 31: 87–106. and the re-analysis of the samples can be found in - Hilu, K. W.; de Wet, J. M. J.; Harlan, J. R. Harlan (1979). "Archaeobotanical Studies of Eleusine coracana ssp. coracana (Finger Millet)". American Journal of Botany. 66 (3):330–333. Clearly INSA does not have great peer review and have gone with argument by claimed authority.
  • PS 2019-August. Singh, Anurudh, K. (2018). Early history of crop presence/introduction in India: III. Anacardium occidentale L., Cashew Nut. Asian Agri-History 22(3):197-202. Singh has published another article claiming that cashew was present in ancient India well before the Columbian exchange - with "evidence" from J.L. Sorenson of a sketch purportedly made from a Bharhut stupa balustrade carving - the original of which is not found here and a carving from Jambukeshwara temple with a "cashew" arising singly and placed atop a stalk that rises from below like a lily! He also claims that some Sanskrit words and translations (from texts/copies of unknown provenance or date) confirm ancient existence. I accidentally asked about whether he had examined his sources carefully and received a rather interesting response which I find very useful as a classic symptom of the problems of science in India. More interestingly I learned that John L. Sorenson is well known for his affiliation with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and apparently part of Mormon foundations is the claim that Mesoamerican cultures were of Semitic origin and much of the "research" of their followers have attempted to bolster support for this by various means. Below is the evidence that A.K.Singh provides for cashew in India.
  •  

    Worth examining the motivation of Sorenson through the life of a close associate  -  here